[NYtenants-Online] NY Tenants Online 4/19/00
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Wed, 19 Apr 2000 15:15:56 -0400
NYtenants Online 4/19/00
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In this issue...
1. Landlords Fail Math Test (City Limits on the MBR Lawsuit)
2. Giving Credit Where it's Due
(On the MBR Lawsuit - NYSTNC tries to grab the credit again)
3. Don’t Think We Were Not Warned!
4. New York City: A Great Place To Visit But Can You Live There?
5. Why Has the City’s Housing Agency Bounced a Proven
Landlord Litigator? (Voice)
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LANDLORDS FAIL MATH TEST
City Limits Weekly
April 17, 2000
Rent-controlled tenants can now breathe easier: On April 6, the state
Supreme Court validated the way that their rents are being calculated--a
method that has led to relatively modest annual increases recently of
between 3 and 4 percent.
A 1996 case filed by landlord groups sought to change the way these rent
hikes are officially figured, by requiring state administrators to use a
more generous state-determined formula rather than a locally determined
formula. Tenant groups, led by the Metropolitan Council on Housing,
requested that the local formula become permanent. Had the judge decided in
favor of the landlords, rent-controlled tenants would be facing 7.5 percent
rent increases each year.
Instead, the judge said the local calculus was "a better estimate," because
it measured landlord profits by averaging the cash flow in rental-sized
buildings only, rather than using all types of buildings as a standard of
comp arison.
For the tenants of the city's 70,572 rent-controlled apartments, the added
protection of the judge's decision is a real boon. Rent-controlled tenants
are some of the city's most vulnerable: Their median household income in
1995 was only $13,428, and the median age of a rent-controlled tenant was
70. "Generally, [rent-controlled tenants] are the lowest-income tenants in
the city," said lawyer Stephen Dobkin, who argued the tenant side of this
case. Allowing a major rent increase, he added, "would not only be
unjustified, but would have been a terrible hardship."
--Kathleen McGowan
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GIVING CREDIT WHERE IT'S DUE
To City Limits
Letter to the Editor
Re: Landlords Fail Math Test
Dear Ms. McGowan
I just received the City Limits weekly fax and wish to point out numerous
errors appearing in the above short article. In case you're planning on a
fuller article in City Limits Magazine, you might want to take note of them
(you can verify the following facts by checking with Stephen Dobkin or
William Gribben, the attorneys in this case).
I labored hard and long with Speaker Vallone's legal staff, the City
Council's Housing Committee and the Mayor's office to get Local Law #73
passed on Sept.30, 1997 (the Council vote was 43-1) which resulted in
realistic and moderate MBR increases for Rent Controlled tenants. The very
next day, October 1, 1997 the Landlords sued in Albany County to declare
Local Law #73 invalid. The law firm of Himmelstein, McConnell, Gribben and
Donoghue had already been retained by the Coalition of Rent Controlled
Tenants of New York City -- a group I had helped form two years earlier --
to fight an adverse decision handed down by the Appellate Division, Third
Department. It now prepared, on our behalf, to intervene in the new case in
Albany.
For some time other tenant groups, notably the New York State Tenant and
Neighborhood Coalition (NYSTNC) had brought pressure on the Himmelstein law
firm to allow them to join with us in lawsuits we had already initiated.
However, they were neither willing or able to contribute money or expertise
to the effort. For them, it was blatantly a "public relations" ploy --
wanting to look good to their membership and to the press. Should anyone be
surprised? Tenants & Neighbors often tries to glom onto and take credit for
activities of which they have had little or no involvement.
In fact, throughout the two-and-half year history of this legal battle
these organizations (with the slight exception of Met Council) attended NOT
ONE of the numerous meetings that were held to do research, develop
arguments, plan strategy and secure important expert affidavits.
The active participants were William Gribben and Serge Joseph of the
Himmelstein law firm, Stephen Dobkin and John Lilienthal (formerly of Met
Council) from the Collins, Dobkin and Miller law firm, attorney Robert Levy
and myself.
Let me repeat, neither NYSTNC nor the other organizations showed up once!!
They contributed absolutely nothing but their unwanted names to these
lawsuits. To this day, the leaders of those organizations barely understand
the technical issues at the heart of this legislation for which they
cynically wish to claim credit.
Other errors of fact:
1. There is no "state-determined formula" verses a "locally determined
formula". There is only one formula in both Local Law #30 (original MBR law
passed in 1970) and in the New Local Law #73.
2. What has changed is the technique for determining Capital Value in the
Return on Capital Value (RCV) component of the formula(that "return" is a
statutory eight and one half percent).
3. The case had nothing at all to do with "cash flow" -- an incoherent
notion in this context. The precise and accurate capital value of the
sample buildings used in the formula was at issue.
4. There are currently 53,000 rent controlled units, not 70,572 and the
median income has increased from $13,428 to $17,000(1999 HVS) and rent
controlled tenants are not the lowest income group, that honor belongs to
tenants in city-owned "in-rem" buildings.
Landlords and Government Officials have long scoffed at tenant leaders and
tenant-friendly publications for not getting or reporting the facts
accurately. It doesn't help to have our credibility continued to be laughed
at and derided.
Stanley Panesoff
Coalition of Rent-Controlled Tenants of NYC
Mr. Panesoff is an Urban Housing Specialist at Community Training and
Resource Center, which publishes a series of tenant fact sheets, available
on TenantNet at http://tenant.net/Rights/CTRC
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DON’T THINK WE WERE NOT WARNED!
Six years ago a then Deputy Commissioner of the Department of Housing,
Preservation and Development (HPD) Mr. Robert Davis predicted dire
consequences if further cuts were made to the already depleted Code
Enforcement and Housing Litigation budgets. At the time there were about
280 housing inspectors and over 50 lawyers to litigate against chronically
negligent landlords. By 1996 there were 195 inspectors and by 1998 there
were only 21 lawyers. By February 2000 the staffing crisis was still
significantly worse then when Deputy Commissioner Davis made his dire
predictions.
These were the predictions from February 1994:*
Longer periods of waiting for an inspection for heat emergencies (over the
24-48 hour standard) -- IT HAPPENED!
A reduction of HPD’s ability to help settle code enforcement matters in
housing court -- IT HAPPENED!
Fewer violations being written resulting in a decreased quality of life and
increased safety hazards for tenants -- IT HAPPENED!
Increased inability to appropriately respond to serious (non-heat)
complaints such as vermin, lead, window guards etc. -- IT HAPPENED!
Impairment of Code Enforcement’s ability to conduct re-inspections to
verify landlord’s claims of violation corrections -- IT HAPPENED!
Davis was right. The chronic under-staffing of Code Enforcement, Housing
Litigation and Emergency Services at HPD continues to contribute to the
loss of low to moderate income housing and a reduction in the quality of
life for NYC tenants.
The City Council must ensure that any budget agreement with the Mayor
includes funds to significantly increase the number of Housing Inspectors
and Attorneys.
Let’s put an end to immunity for chronic abusers of our legally established
housing standards! Let’s ENFORCE the Housing Maintenance Code properly! For
more information contact Adrian Di Lollo at ANHD on (212) 463-9600.
*Source: Code Enforcement: Impact of Recent Budget Reductions. Memo dated
February 14, 1994 by Robert K. Davis, former Deputy Commissioner,
Department of Housing, Preservation & Development.
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NEW YORK CITY: A GREAT PLACE TO VISIT BUT CAN YOU LIVE THERE?
The City Administration points to the reduction of crime statistics as a
major achievement brought about in part by better enforcement of criminal
law. But what about the enforcement of other laws meant to protect the
health, safety and quality of life of ordinary New Yorkers? The Housing &
Maintenance Code, for example, obliges landlords to maintain basic housing
standards and is the legal basis by which tenants can demand decent
conditions and services to keep their homes livable.
The Housing & Maintenance Code continues to be seriously under-enforced by
the NYC Department of Housing, Preservation & Development (HPD) due to
chronic staff shortages in the Code Enforcement Unit, the Housing
Litigation and Emergency Services Bureaus. The result has been a crisis
that increasingly threatens our housing standards, our living conditions
and the quality of life for all NYC tenants.
CRISIS: Serious lags in inspection times for heat and hot water emergencies
during cold snaps
TENANTS NEED: An ability for Code Enforcement to respond to heat
emergencies within an absolute maximum of 48 hours
CRISIS: Continued backlog of non-emergency violations many remaining
uncorrected for months or years
TENANTS NEED: Code Enforcement to respond to non-emergency complaints
within 1 week (2 weeks in winter)
CRISIS: Very dated and unreliable information on problem buildings, thereby
missing opportunities to prevent abandonment
TENANTS NEED: A major effort by HPD to update its data base of problem
buildings to better target assistance
CRISIS: Slow responses by the Emergency Services Bureau (ESB)
TENANTS NEED: ESB to complete assessment of emergency situation with 48 hours
CRISIS: Very few roof to cellar inspections
TENANTS NEED: Targeted numbers of roof to cellar inspections during
non-heat season
CRISIS: Inability to adequately respond to inspection requests from
HPD-contracted community-based organizations (CBOs)
TENANTS NEED: A strong working agreement between Code Enforcement and CBOs
with inspections undertaken by request
CRISIS: Many Housing Court orders to repair (or restore services) ignored
by landlords.
TENANTS NEED: Housing Litigation Bureau to pursue more civil contempt cases
CRISIS: Few comprehensive litigation cases (i.e. where HPD sue for all
recorded violations) in major problem buildings
TENANTS NEED: A targeted number of comprehensive cases to be undertaken
each year
The City Council must only agree on a budget with the Mayor IF it includes
substantial increases for HPD Code Enforcement, Housing Litigation and
Emergency Services.
Quality of life is more than reducing crime. It’s about ensuring our right
live in safe, habitable conditions as demanded under existing law. Add your
voice to the struggle to improve housing code enforcement and demand decent
funding in this year’s budget!
For more information call Adrian Di Lollo at the Association for
Neighborhood and Housing Development (ANHD) on (212) 463-9600.
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WHY HAS THE CITY’S HOUSING AGENCY BOUNCED A PROVEN LANDLORD LITIGATOR?
Village Voice, March 29, 2000
by J. A. Lobbia
Courting Trouble - In the past year, attorney Abbie Gorin has convinced
housing court judges to send five of Brooklyn’s most recalcitrant landlords
to jail. In 22 years at the city’s Department of Housing Preservation and
Development (HPD), his reputation as a fair but relentless litigator has
earned him the respect of even his most strident opponents. Gorin helped
develop an innovative program to educate rather than fine some landlords
who fail to provide heat or hot water. And in the past decade, Gorin has
consistently received nothing less than outstanding reviews from his bosses.
So you'd think that HPD would be happy to keep Gorin at his post, fighting
landlords who shirk the law and sometimes even endanger tenants. Instead,
the agency has sent the 48-year-old Brooklyn native "into exile," says
Gorin, yanking him out of the courtroom and dumping him behind a desk with
vague instructions to advise litigants on how to navigate housing court.
Gorin says there are two reasons for the move, both purely political. The
first is his history of union activity, which has made Gorin as much of a
pain in the backside of his employer as he is to his courtroom foes. "I
absolutely believe this was done in retaliation for my complaint against my
supervisor," says Gorin, a member of the Civil Service Bar Association
(CSBA), who last June filed a grievance because Ulysses Moulterie, an
attorney with a lower civil service status than his own, was promoted to
supervise him.
The second reason, Gorin says, is the pro-landlord bias of one of his
bosses, HPD assistant commissioner Elizabeth Bolden, who is in charge of
the housing litigation bureau where Gorin worked until he was transferred
on March 7. Says Gorin, "I was told by several people that Elizabeth Bolden
wanted to know why so many small landlords are going to jail."
It would seem beyond ironic for the chief of litigation at the city's
housing agency to bemoan landlord lockups. But in what one source calls "a
decidedly pro-landlord shift in the whole thrust of the agency under Mayor
Rudy Giuliani," HPD has developed a strategy that, while aiming to prevent
abandonment, often bolsters rather than battles landlords. "What we're
doing," says one staffer, "is taking landlords who we used to sue and
instead are propping them up."
In fact, Gorin's new stint is part of HPD's "Pathways to Responsible
Ownership" program, designed to help housing court litigants who have no
attorney, which almost always means tenants rather than landlords. But the
program's goal of "streamlining" court procedures addresses landlords'
long-standing complaint that it takes too long to win an eviction.
The possibility that Bolden in particular favors landlords stems from an
escapade in Harlem in 1995—three years before she worked at HPD—in which
she bought a single-room-occupancy building and emptied it of three
long-term renters, including elderly tenant Barbara North, who complained
that Bolden had nailed shut bathroom doors. In March 1996, Manhattan
housing court judge Howard Malatzky ordered Bolden to make a good-faith
effort to repair and provide access to a third-floor bathroom. But several
weeks after Malatzky's deadline passed, Bolden wrote to North's attorney
saying the repairs would not be made.
When the plumber began work, Bolden wrote, "I forgot that I still owed him
money from December '95. . . . I do not have any money and am basically
living paycheck to paycheck. I have other bills that are outstanding that
must be paid. . . . So I'm sorry but right now I just don't have the money."
Bolden, who wanted the whole building to herself, negotiated to buy out the
tenants for $500 each. Eventually, the tenants moved out, but Bolden's
money problems continued. Last year, she settled a $12,841.36 credit card
bill by agreeing to a monthly payment plan. Bolden, who worked as an
attorney for the Bronx office of the Administration for Children's Services
before coming to HPD in August 1998, earns more than $80,000 a year at the
housing agency.
Bolden declined through HPD's press office to comment. HPD spokesperson
Carol Abrams would not answer questions about Gorin's transfer, saying only
that matters pertaining to Bolden "have been previously reviewed and have
been determined not to affect her duties at HPD."
Gorin says he was not told why he was transferred, but says he made it
clear to Bolden and other HPD higher-ups that he did not want to make the
move, although sources say several other employees would like to. Gorin is
grieving the move through his union, and CSBA business agent Saul Fishman
says the union may take the issue further by filing an "improper practice"
complaint. "What we're saying is that this was done in retaliation because
of Abbie's union activity," says Fishman. "They're trying to both punish
him and have a chilling effect on others."
This isn't the first time Gorin has registered complaints through the
union; in fact, even his allies say Gorin's persistent criticisms of HPD
account for the transfer. "They really hate Abbie higher up on the food
chain at HPD, and they want to get him out of their hair," says one source.
Gorin has regularly lambasted the agency about its inadequate number of
attorneys (now about 30, down from a high of about 80) and its chronic
shortage of inspectors. At the onset of the past few winters, Gorin has
warned his bosses of his worry that the attorney shortage could undermine
agency efforts to enforce heat requirements. And his willingness to talk to
the press as a union member about those issues has done nothing to endear
him to the increasingly clammed-up agency. "I have never disobeyed them,"
says Gorin. "But I have often told them things they don't want to hear."
One coworker suggests that Gorin has made enemies by bringing his
suspicions of HPD corruption to agency investigators. "Now he's in a
no-man's-land where he can't use his talents, while we barely have enough
attorneys as it is."
Indeed, it is arguably Gorin's confrontational style that accounts for his
courtroom scorecard. "Abbie is one of the most fierce HPD attorneys; he's
excellent," says Robert Rosenblatt, a landlord lawyer whose clients have
been among Gorin's targets. "He's an intelligent, vigorous opponent who
knows the law inside and out. He's more aggressive for HPD than most other
attorneys I know. As a landlord attorney, I'd rather not face him; he hurts
my clients. But as a tenant, I'd absolutely want him. HPD has done a great
disservice taking him out of the courtroom."
Gorin, who joined HPD in 1978, has always been outspoken and even
philosophical, considering the workaday grind that can wear down anyone who
spends days, much less years, in housing court. He's as quick to analyze
the realpolitik that might motivate a particular judge's ruling as he is to
launch into a mini-lecture on economics or ethics. "I believe that real
estate is like any market and has to be protected from rogue players and
slumlords," says Gorin. "That's separate from a moral position that says
they violate tenants' rights. You also have to look at how the market
operates. Rogue players tend to discourage investment and reinvestment, and
it's in the city's interest to stop that."
In his tenure, Gorin has seen HPD decline from an aggressive enforcer into
its current emaciated state. He was involved in litigation against some of
Brooklyn's most notorious landlords, including "Dracula Landlord" J.
Leonard Spodek, and still feels the sting of a 20-year-old newspaper column
that blamed his inexperience for the hypothermia that killed a tenant in a
heatless Fort Greene apartment.
"I remember that story about John Grimes at 254 Vanderbilt Avenue; he was
only in his sixties and Michael Daly wrote a column blaming me," says
Gorin, who was a young lawyer when he was pursuing Grimes's landlord in
court. While he insists the newsman's blame was misplaced, "it all came
back to me when Lena Hurt died."
Hurt was a senior citizen who was found dead in her sweltering Brooklyn
apartment in July 1998. Her landlord, Absolum Hunter, was in the midst of a
long-running legal battle with HPD, which was represented by Gorin. Hunter
had told news reporters he wanted tenants out of the building because they
paid no rent. HPD charged that Hunter had been running the boiler in the
summer, and inspectors recorded a temperature of 104 degrees in Hurt's
apartment. The medical examiner concluded that Hurt died of heart disease,
but Gorin says he has always wondered what effect the broiling apartment
had on Hurt's health. Just last month, Brooklyn housing court judge Ava
Alterman sentenced Hunter to 30 days in jail for contempt because he failed
to make repairs. However, the landlord has not served that sentence, partly
because, since Gorin was transferred, no one has followed up on necessary
paperwork with Alterman. HPD spokesperson Abrams says Gorin's workload will
be handled through "load balancing and productivity increases."
Meanwhile, Gorin reports daily to his new post. He consults with volunteer
attorneys who guide tenants through housing court, or gives advice himself.
And while he acknowledges that the post could be useful and a "potentially
good job for someone who wants to do it," he laments that his bosses
haven't given him more than a seven-sentence job description.
"I'm fairly bummed out that I can't ever bring a court case on behalf of
the city again," says Gorin. "But aside from that, I don't even know quite
what I'm supposed to do in this job. I've been sent here as a eunuch. If I
were given a mandate, I could be hell on wheels."